by Nick Griffin
Britain’s vote on Europe looks set to go down in history as the ‘Stolen Referendum’. As the Remain campaign’s ruthless exploitation of the appalling murder of MP Jo Cox continues, big business, banks and other Remain enthusiasts are increasingly confident of coming out on top in Thursday’s historic poll.
Yet such a victory will have been bought at a terrible price – a blatant triple fraud against the democratic process, perpetrated with the enthusiastic support and involvement of all three leaders of the UK’s old established governing political parties and of the overwhelmingly dominant political force in Scotland.
The damage such a consensus for deceit and election rigging will do to faith in the democratic process is incalculable.
The first great Establishment electoral fraud in the now terminally polluted campaign was in place even before the sorry farce began: In a shameless re-run of the corruption that discredited the UK’s first In/Out referendum, in 1975, the contest was drastically skewed by the fact that every household received two documents in favour of EU membership (one from the Government and one from the Europhile campaign) compared to just one from the campaign for independence.
This disparity was then reinforced by the fact that massive funding from big business meant that the pro-Brussels side was able to outspend the antis on a massive scale. In 1975, the spending disparity in favour of remain was 11 to 1; there is no reason to suppose that the gap will be any less obscene this time around.
This propaganda imbalance on its own is enough to corrupt the contest and to deny a ‘Remain’ win any real democratic legitimacy, but as the campaign got under way and polls began to show that it was not going to be the expected Remain walkover, a second trick was brought into play in the effort to ensure the ‘correct’ result:
This was the decision of the Prime Minister to extend the deadline for voter registration by a whole 48 hours after the suspiciously convenient ‘crash’ of the online registration site, just two hours before the deadline to apply for a vote.
No explanation was given as to why the lost two hours should lead to 48 hours of extra time, but it was seized on by the various taxpayer-funded organisations that were already working to maximise voter registration among the demographic groups regarded as being most likely to vote Remain, particularly ethnic minorities (Operation Black Vote) and students (HopeNotHate). The extra time saw a staggering 430,000 additional applications to vote.
This would be more than enough to swing a close contest and the very fact that it was even thought acceptable speaks volumes for the ‘win at any costs’ mentality of Cameron and Remain.
Perhaps the best way to grasp the fundamental corruption of the entire extra voters registration drive is to imagine that it had been undertaken in Northern Ireland in the 1960s, with the notorious ‘Orange Ascendancy’ regime using taxpayers’ money to fund a campaign to sign up new voters which operated only in Protestant areas.
Had such a disgraceful affront to democracy been undertaken, the left to this day would – rightly – hold it up as an example of loyalist electoral practice, of discrimination against the Catholic community and as one of the factors that turned nationalists in the Province to abandon the democratic road and turn to terrorism.
As it happens, by the start of the final week of the campaign, a succession of opinion polls, backed up by worried articles in all the pro-Remain newspapers, indicated that, despite the first two frauds, the Leavers were on course for a remarkable, perhaps even crushing, victory.
And then one of the youngest and prettiest MPs campaigning for Remain was murdered in her constituency.
Over the course of the months and years ahead, it is inevitable that a plethora of conspiracy theories will grow up around this tragic event, the CIA’s Mkultra experiments and parallels with the fictional Manchurian Candidate being the most likely to gain traction and lead to even more cynicism about the democratic process in general and the referendum result in particular.
But no such speculation is in fact required for the murder of Jo Cox or, rather, the reaction to it of Remain and of the pro-Remain broadcast media, to be the third fraud against the electorate which will lead in due course to the whole contest being discredited as the ‘Stolen Referendum’.
Future conspiracy theories notwithstanding, in the light of any fresh evidence the simplest explanation of the murder is that Thomas Mair was either genuinely mentally ill or a political fanatic who despaired of the possibility of change through the democratic or legal process.
The latter is entirely possible and, given the relentless fraud, marginalisation and demonisation directed by the entire political and media establishment against opponents of the multi-cultural project to ‘remake’ Britain, it really should not surprise its authors if their totalitarian liberalism has begun to produce a terrorist backlash among those who have lost out most from globalisation and the multicultural Utopia.
This is true whether Mair was a ‘lone wolf’ or even part of a bigger ‘right-wing extremist conspiracy’: The evil is both a reflection and an unintended consequence of the long campaign to use mass immigration to transform Britain, and especially of the Blair regime’s conscious and deliberate aim to import millions more migrants in order both to it impossible for opponents of the change to win future elections. When Labour set out to “rub their noses in it”, they should perhaps have expected to get bitten.
When Northern Ireland’s Unionists denied working class Catholics realistic hope of change through the ballot box, they unwittingly contributed to the rise of the IRA and thirty years of terrorism. Why would denying alienated working class communities in multi-cultural England realistic hope that their fears would be listened to and their aspirations met, have any different effect?
Whatever Mair’s motivation, the murder of Jo Cox has been – and continues to be – ruthlessly used to corrupt the referendum result beyond redemption. This has nothing to do with Mair and is no reflection on Jo Cox herself, but it does reflect, very badly, on Britain’s Prime Minister, the leader of the Opposition and on almost the entire Remain campaign.
The murder was used in a ‘shock and awe’ propaganda campaign by Remain and its media allies, who took the natural revulsion of all decent people against the killing and added in wave after wave of utterly unfounded allegations and insinuations that the murder was in some way the result of the Leave campaign ‘encouraging division and hatred’.
The elite’s ‘blanket guilt’ approach in this case stands in stark contrast to their opinion when Wahhabi terrorists carry out one of their all too common atrocities, in which case the liberal (including Cameron) response ranges from the increasingly absurd “nothing to do with Islam” to the slightly more nuanced “you can’t blame all Muslims for the action of a few extremists”, invariably rolled out with the help of a gaggle of ‘moderate Imams’ who duly condemn the Jihadis and assure the world that they “do not act in our name” and are in fact “anti-Islamic”.
No such treatment for Brexiteers, of course. The total exclusion of notable Leave campaigners from the TV news interviews, producing the impression that they were either in some way guilty or – almost as bad – simply didn’t care, was particularly outrageous and effective.
Meanwhile, an endless queue of Europhile bien pensants chattered angrily on TV, radio and in newspaper columns about how the murder was supposedly connected to a ‘tone’ of division and hatred created by the Leave campaign.
Here, for example, is Jonathan Freedland:
“And throughout this campaign, there has been a drumbeat denouncing ‘the Westminster elite’, castigating all politicians, along with anyone in authority or in a public position of expertise, as either a liar or the corrupt dupe of a wicked Brussels conspiracy.
“Perhaps this had nothing to do with the cruelty that deprived two children of their mother yesterday. Maybe it’s a coincidence that the killer struck at this moment. Maybe it’s a coincidence that he targeted an MP who was a passionate advocate of remaining inside the EU, and whose signature issue had been a campaign to admit Syrians in desperate need of refuge.
“Maybe it’s a coincidence that she was a member of a political class that has been reviled for years and with heightened fervour in recent weeks. Maybe it’s a coincidence that she was an advocate for a position depicted by its most fevered opponents as unpatriotic and verging on treason.”
You see! Brexit campaigners accuse Remainers of ‘treason’ and two innocent children lose their mother. Now you have to vote Remain!
Polly Toynbee was even more blatant, actually blaming some Leave campaigners (and specifically, Nigel Farage, the politician whose success forced David Cameron to grant the referendum in the first place) for creating the ‘mood’ which led to the killing:
“There are many decent people involved in the campaign to secure Britain’s withdrawal from the EU, many who respect the referendum as the exercise in democracy that it is. But there are others whose recklessness has been open and shocking. I believe they bear responsibility, not for the attack itself, but for the current mood: for the inflammatory language, for the finger-jabbing, the dogwhistling and the overt racism.
“It’s been part of a noxious brew, with a dangerous anti-politics and anti-MP stereotypes fomented by Leave and their media backers mixed in. Only an hour before this shooting Nigel Farage unveiled a huge poster showing Syrian refugees fleeing to Slovenia last year.”
Operation Fear – the effort to frighten voters into backing Remain – had clearly been a dismal failure, so Cameron and other key Remain figures seized eagerly on the even more cynical opportunity to exploit the tragic death of Jo Cox – Operation Grief and Smear.
While journalists and TV news editors were left to do the bulk of the actual name calling dirty work, Cameron himself set about manipulating public emotions, speaking of the need to “drive out division and hatred” and blatantly using the dead Labour MP’s name and opinions in the desperate drive to save his own skin from the career-crushing referendum disaster that had, according to insider reports, reduced Number 10 to “panic” just two days earlier.
Nor was it just about Cameron. Will Straw, executive director of Britain Stronger in Europe, the cross-party group campaigning for Remain, showed equal bad taste in plugging this logo (no direct mention of Jo Cox but the broken heart image needed no explanation) all over social media the weekend after the murder.
Remain’s despicable and extremely undemocratic exploitation of the murder even went as far as to using it to steal an extra day of full-pelt campaigning. Immediately after Jeremy Corbyn (who had no scruples about terrorist killings when they were carried out by his friends in IRA/Sinn Fein) announced that Parliament would be recalled on the last Monday of the campaign, it was widely reported that the campaign was also on hold for Friday and Saturday with “limited campaigning on Sunday.” Terrified of being accused of being heartless, insensitive and so on, Leave duly wound down even their Sunday efforts to a minimum, only to see Remain restart their nationwide campaign on Sunday at full throttle.
Quite apart from the propaganda/moral blackmail aspect of Project Grief and Smear, the murder also thus served to break the organisational momentum of the entire Leave campaign not just on the Thursday of the killing but also on Friday, Saturday, Sunday and Monday.
Of course, the murder was such that it was right that it should have some impact on the campaign. The day of reflection on Friday quite possibly reflected the public mood and the humanity of all concerned on both sides of the debate.
But for the Remain camp – who had visibly been losing support every day of the previous week – to use the tragedy as the excuse to impose by moral blackmail a unilateral declaration of a five-days-out-of-seven ceasefire, was a deliberate move to steal from the British people their right to keep listening and to keep making up their minds according to the dynamics of a proper campaign, rather than according to the utterly irrational dictates of a manipulated GriefFest.
That this was political manoeuvring rather than the normal procedure in the event of the murder of an MP can be seen by contrasting the treatment of the murder of young mother of two Jo Cox to the even more dramatic murder of Conservative MP, WW2 hero and father of three Airey Neave by an IRA splinter group who blew up his car in the House of Commons car park in 1979.
Neave had won the Military Cross for being the first British officer to escape from the high security Nazi prison camp Colditz. Rejoining the struggle against fascism, Neave fought his way across Europe after D-Day, ending the war as a Major.
Airey Neave died in hospital an hour after the INLA bomb blew off both his legs. This was two days after the vote of no confidence which brought down Callaghan’s government and a few weeks before the 1979 general election, for which campaigning was already under way, although Parliament had not yet been dissolved.
Returning for a moment to the question of conspiracy theories, Enoch Powell claimed in an interview with The Guardian on 9 January 1984 that the Americans had killed Neave. He said that the evidence came from a member of the Royal Ulster Constabulary with whom he had spoken.
On 18 October 1986 Powell returned to the subject of Neave’s death in a speech to Conservative students in Birmingham. He told them that INLA had not killed Neave, but that he had been assassinated by “MI6 and their friends”. Powell noted that Neave’s Northern Ireland policy had been one of integration with the rest of the UK and said that the Americans feared that this process, if implemented by Neave, would have been irreversible.
With the Tories ten points ahead in the opinion polls, Thatcher’s victory was almost certain. So Neave was on course become Northern Ireland Secretary and to put an immediate end to the security services’ ‘kid gloves’ handling of Republican terrorism. His killing, alleged Powell, was intended to make the British Government adopt a policy more acceptable to America in her aim of a united Ireland within NATO. That U.S. aim at least is a well-documented fact, as is the decades’-long CIA effort to include Britain in a ‘United Europe’.
Be that as it may, the key point here is that the terrorist murder of the war hero Airey Neave on a Friday afternoon, within the supposedly impregnable Palace of Westminster, where a number of MPs had been shaken by seeing him mutilated and dying, led to the suspension of normal Parliamentary business the following Monday for just 15 minutes to allow colleagues to pay tribute before they returned to their normal parliamentary and political work.
The contrast to the response to the murder of Jo Cox could not be clearer, even without the final ‘commemoration vigil’ for Jo Cox organised for the eve of poll to complete Operation Grief and Smear and to overshadow and discredit anything that Leave might produce as their final effort.
Whereas the first two great frauds connected with Britain’s Brexit referendum appeared set to fail, it is now virtually certain that – barring some dramatic external event such as an ISIS spectacular involving some of Merkel’s ‘refugees’ – the third one, the shameless exploitation of the murder of Jo Cox, will do the job.
What looked like being an explosion of popular anger which would see Great Britain leave the European Union, setting off a chain reaction which could very conceivably have brought the whole Project crashing down, is now going to be a damp squib vote to Remain.
The emotional spasm that is set to rob the Leave camp of what would have been a famous victory will quickly pass, but the fatal damage will have been done. Not just to the last chance for Britain to regain her freedom and for the other captive nations of Washington’s puppet ‘Europe’ to do the same, but also to what little survived of British faith in the democratic system and the reputation of the political and media elite.
Once the Remainers have finished crowing, and the professional mourners at poor, misguided Jo Cox’s funeral have dried their crocodile tears, all that will be left is the bitterness and growing anger of the hundreds of thousands of campaigners and the millions of voters who will understand that they and their beloved nation have been robbed.
The political crooks who masterminded and carried out that robbery may think they have been very clever, but one wonders whether they will be so happy when, in due course, the unintended consequences of their Stolen Referendum come home, more like vultures than chickens, to roost.
Britain’s vote on Europe looks set to go down in history as the ‘Stolen Referendum’. As the Remain campaign’s ruthless exploitation of the appalling murder of MP Jo Cox continues, big business, banks and other Remain enthusiasts are increasingly confident of coming out on top in Thursday’s historic poll.
Yet such a victory will have been bought at a terrible price – a blatant triple fraud against the democratic process, perpetrated with the enthusiastic support and involvement of all three leaders of the UK’s old established governing political parties and of the overwhelmingly dominant political force in Scotland.
The damage such a consensus for deceit and election rigging will do to faith in the democratic process is incalculable.
The first great Establishment electoral fraud in the now terminally polluted campaign was in place even before the sorry farce began: In a shameless re-run of the corruption that discredited the UK’s first In/Out referendum, in 1975, the contest was drastically skewed by the fact that every household received two documents in favour of EU membership (one from the Government and one from the Europhile campaign) compared to just one from the campaign for independence.
This disparity was then reinforced by the fact that massive funding from big business meant that the pro-Brussels side was able to outspend the antis on a massive scale. In 1975, the spending disparity in favour of remain was 11 to 1; there is no reason to suppose that the gap will be any less obscene this time around.
This propaganda imbalance on its own is enough to corrupt the contest and to deny a ‘Remain’ win any real democratic legitimacy, but as the campaign got under way and polls began to show that it was not going to be the expected Remain walkover, a second trick was brought into play in the effort to ensure the ‘correct’ result:
This was the decision of the Prime Minister to extend the deadline for voter registration by a whole 48 hours after the suspiciously convenient ‘crash’ of the online registration site, just two hours before the deadline to apply for a vote.
No explanation was given as to why the lost two hours should lead to 48 hours of extra time, but it was seized on by the various taxpayer-funded organisations that were already working to maximise voter registration among the demographic groups regarded as being most likely to vote Remain, particularly ethnic minorities (Operation Black Vote) and students (HopeNotHate). The extra time saw a staggering 430,000 additional applications to vote.
This would be more than enough to swing a close contest and the very fact that it was even thought acceptable speaks volumes for the ‘win at any costs’ mentality of Cameron and Remain.
Perhaps the best way to grasp the fundamental corruption of the entire extra voters registration drive is to imagine that it had been undertaken in Northern Ireland in the 1960s, with the notorious ‘Orange Ascendancy’ regime using taxpayers’ money to fund a campaign to sign up new voters which operated only in Protestant areas.
Had such a disgraceful affront to democracy been undertaken, the left to this day would – rightly – hold it up as an example of loyalist electoral practice, of discrimination against the Catholic community and as one of the factors that turned nationalists in the Province to abandon the democratic road and turn to terrorism.
As it happens, by the start of the final week of the campaign, a succession of opinion polls, backed up by worried articles in all the pro-Remain newspapers, indicated that, despite the first two frauds, the Leavers were on course for a remarkable, perhaps even crushing, victory.
And then one of the youngest and prettiest MPs campaigning for Remain was murdered in her constituency.
Over the course of the months and years ahead, it is inevitable that a plethora of conspiracy theories will grow up around this tragic event, the CIA’s Mkultra experiments and parallels with the fictional Manchurian Candidate being the most likely to gain traction and lead to even more cynicism about the democratic process in general and the referendum result in particular.
But no such speculation is in fact required for the murder of Jo Cox or, rather, the reaction to it of Remain and of the pro-Remain broadcast media, to be the third fraud against the electorate which will lead in due course to the whole contest being discredited as the ‘Stolen Referendum’.
Future conspiracy theories notwithstanding, in the light of any fresh evidence the simplest explanation of the murder is that Thomas Mair was either genuinely mentally ill or a political fanatic who despaired of the possibility of change through the democratic or legal process.
The latter is entirely possible and, given the relentless fraud, marginalisation and demonisation directed by the entire political and media establishment against opponents of the multi-cultural project to ‘remake’ Britain, it really should not surprise its authors if their totalitarian liberalism has begun to produce a terrorist backlash among those who have lost out most from globalisation and the multicultural Utopia.
This is true whether Mair was a ‘lone wolf’ or even part of a bigger ‘right-wing extremist conspiracy’: The evil is both a reflection and an unintended consequence of the long campaign to use mass immigration to transform Britain, and especially of the Blair regime’s conscious and deliberate aim to import millions more migrants in order both to it impossible for opponents of the change to win future elections. When Labour set out to “rub their noses in it”, they should perhaps have expected to get bitten.
When Northern Ireland’s Unionists denied working class Catholics realistic hope of change through the ballot box, they unwittingly contributed to the rise of the IRA and thirty years of terrorism. Why would denying alienated working class communities in multi-cultural England realistic hope that their fears would be listened to and their aspirations met, have any different effect?
Whatever Mair’s motivation, the murder of Jo Cox has been – and continues to be – ruthlessly used to corrupt the referendum result beyond redemption. This has nothing to do with Mair and is no reflection on Jo Cox herself, but it does reflect, very badly, on Britain’s Prime Minister, the leader of the Opposition and on almost the entire Remain campaign.
The murder was used in a ‘shock and awe’ propaganda campaign by Remain and its media allies, who took the natural revulsion of all decent people against the killing and added in wave after wave of utterly unfounded allegations and insinuations that the murder was in some way the result of the Leave campaign ‘encouraging division and hatred’.
The elite’s ‘blanket guilt’ approach in this case stands in stark contrast to their opinion when Wahhabi terrorists carry out one of their all too common atrocities, in which case the liberal (including Cameron) response ranges from the increasingly absurd “nothing to do with Islam” to the slightly more nuanced “you can’t blame all Muslims for the action of a few extremists”, invariably rolled out with the help of a gaggle of ‘moderate Imams’ who duly condemn the Jihadis and assure the world that they “do not act in our name” and are in fact “anti-Islamic”.
No such treatment for Brexiteers, of course. The total exclusion of notable Leave campaigners from the TV news interviews, producing the impression that they were either in some way guilty or – almost as bad – simply didn’t care, was particularly outrageous and effective.
Meanwhile, an endless queue of Europhile bien pensants chattered angrily on TV, radio and in newspaper columns about how the murder was supposedly connected to a ‘tone’ of division and hatred created by the Leave campaign.
Here, for example, is Jonathan Freedland:
“And throughout this campaign, there has been a drumbeat denouncing ‘the Westminster elite’, castigating all politicians, along with anyone in authority or in a public position of expertise, as either a liar or the corrupt dupe of a wicked Brussels conspiracy.
“Perhaps this had nothing to do with the cruelty that deprived two children of their mother yesterday. Maybe it’s a coincidence that the killer struck at this moment. Maybe it’s a coincidence that he targeted an MP who was a passionate advocate of remaining inside the EU, and whose signature issue had been a campaign to admit Syrians in desperate need of refuge.
“Maybe it’s a coincidence that she was a member of a political class that has been reviled for years and with heightened fervour in recent weeks. Maybe it’s a coincidence that she was an advocate for a position depicted by its most fevered opponents as unpatriotic and verging on treason.”
You see! Brexit campaigners accuse Remainers of ‘treason’ and two innocent children lose their mother. Now you have to vote Remain!
Polly Toynbee was even more blatant, actually blaming some Leave campaigners (and specifically, Nigel Farage, the politician whose success forced David Cameron to grant the referendum in the first place) for creating the ‘mood’ which led to the killing:
“There are many decent people involved in the campaign to secure Britain’s withdrawal from the EU, many who respect the referendum as the exercise in democracy that it is. But there are others whose recklessness has been open and shocking. I believe they bear responsibility, not for the attack itself, but for the current mood: for the inflammatory language, for the finger-jabbing, the dogwhistling and the overt racism.
“It’s been part of a noxious brew, with a dangerous anti-politics and anti-MP stereotypes fomented by Leave and their media backers mixed in. Only an hour before this shooting Nigel Farage unveiled a huge poster showing Syrian refugees fleeing to Slovenia last year.”
Operation Fear – the effort to frighten voters into backing Remain – had clearly been a dismal failure, so Cameron and other key Remain figures seized eagerly on the even more cynical opportunity to exploit the tragic death of Jo Cox – Operation Grief and Smear.
While journalists and TV news editors were left to do the bulk of the actual name calling dirty work, Cameron himself set about manipulating public emotions, speaking of the need to “drive out division and hatred” and blatantly using the dead Labour MP’s name and opinions in the desperate drive to save his own skin from the career-crushing referendum disaster that had, according to insider reports, reduced Number 10 to “panic” just two days earlier.
Nor was it just about Cameron. Will Straw, executive director of Britain Stronger in Europe, the cross-party group campaigning for Remain, showed equal bad taste in plugging this logo (no direct mention of Jo Cox but the broken heart image needed no explanation) all over social media the weekend after the murder.
Quite apart from the propaganda/moral blackmail aspect of Project Grief and Smear, the murder also thus served to break the organisational momentum of the entire Leave campaign not just on the Thursday of the killing but also on Friday, Saturday, Sunday and Monday.
Of course, the murder was such that it was right that it should have some impact on the campaign. The day of reflection on Friday quite possibly reflected the public mood and the humanity of all concerned on both sides of the debate.
But for the Remain camp – who had visibly been losing support every day of the previous week – to use the tragedy as the excuse to impose by moral blackmail a unilateral declaration of a five-days-out-of-seven ceasefire, was a deliberate move to steal from the British people their right to keep listening and to keep making up their minds according to the dynamics of a proper campaign, rather than according to the utterly irrational dictates of a manipulated GriefFest.
That this was political manoeuvring rather than the normal procedure in the event of the murder of an MP can be seen by contrasting the treatment of the murder of young mother of two Jo Cox to the even more dramatic murder of Conservative MP, WW2 hero and father of three Airey Neave by an IRA splinter group who blew up his car in the House of Commons car park in 1979.
Neave had won the Military Cross for being the first British officer to escape from the high security Nazi prison camp Colditz. Rejoining the struggle against fascism, Neave fought his way across Europe after D-Day, ending the war as a Major.
Airey Neave died in hospital an hour after the INLA bomb blew off both his legs. This was two days after the vote of no confidence which brought down Callaghan’s government and a few weeks before the 1979 general election, for which campaigning was already under way, although Parliament had not yet been dissolved.
Returning for a moment to the question of conspiracy theories, Enoch Powell claimed in an interview with The Guardian on 9 January 1984 that the Americans had killed Neave. He said that the evidence came from a member of the Royal Ulster Constabulary with whom he had spoken.
On 18 October 1986 Powell returned to the subject of Neave’s death in a speech to Conservative students in Birmingham. He told them that INLA had not killed Neave, but that he had been assassinated by “MI6 and their friends”. Powell noted that Neave’s Northern Ireland policy had been one of integration with the rest of the UK and said that the Americans feared that this process, if implemented by Neave, would have been irreversible.
With the Tories ten points ahead in the opinion polls, Thatcher’s victory was almost certain. So Neave was on course become Northern Ireland Secretary and to put an immediate end to the security services’ ‘kid gloves’ handling of Republican terrorism. His killing, alleged Powell, was intended to make the British Government adopt a policy more acceptable to America in her aim of a united Ireland within NATO. That U.S. aim at least is a well-documented fact, as is the decades’-long CIA effort to include Britain in a ‘United Europe’.
Be that as it may, the key point here is that the terrorist murder of the war hero Airey Neave on a Friday afternoon, within the supposedly impregnable Palace of Westminster, where a number of MPs had been shaken by seeing him mutilated and dying, led to the suspension of normal Parliamentary business the following Monday for just 15 minutes to allow colleagues to pay tribute before they returned to their normal parliamentary and political work.
The contrast to the response to the murder of Jo Cox could not be clearer, even without the final ‘commemoration vigil’ for Jo Cox organised for the eve of poll to complete Operation Grief and Smear and to overshadow and discredit anything that Leave might produce as their final effort.
Whereas the first two great frauds connected with Britain’s Brexit referendum appeared set to fail, it is now virtually certain that – barring some dramatic external event such as an ISIS spectacular involving some of Merkel’s ‘refugees’ – the third one, the shameless exploitation of the murder of Jo Cox, will do the job.
What looked like being an explosion of popular anger which would see Great Britain leave the European Union, setting off a chain reaction which could very conceivably have brought the whole Project crashing down, is now going to be a damp squib vote to Remain.
The emotional spasm that is set to rob the Leave camp of what would have been a famous victory will quickly pass, but the fatal damage will have been done. Not just to the last chance for Britain to regain her freedom and for the other captive nations of Washington’s puppet ‘Europe’ to do the same, but also to what little survived of British faith in the democratic system and the reputation of the political and media elite.
Once the Remainers have finished crowing, and the professional mourners at poor, misguided Jo Cox’s funeral have dried their crocodile tears, all that will be left is the bitterness and growing anger of the hundreds of thousands of campaigners and the millions of voters who will understand that they and their beloved nation have been robbed.
The political crooks who masterminded and carried out that robbery may think they have been very clever, but one wonders whether they will be so happy when, in due course, the unintended consequences of their Stolen Referendum come home, more like vultures than chickens, to roost.
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